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Análisis histórico de
la Defensa
colombiana
Alejandro Magnasco Matías,
GEES
Septiembre 8 2008
El valor estratégico de
la República de Colombia en el marco regional de
Sudamérica (y en el mundo podría decirse) es sumamente importante por la
dotación de recursos que dis-pone así como por su posición geo-gráfica:
Por un lado, posee acceso a la región del Amazonas y su impor-tancia por
los recursos naturales estratégicos allí presentes, como la
biodiversidad, y que en el siglo XXI serán altamente codiciados y causa
de muchos conflictos que podrían derivar en guerras.
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21st Century Socialism in Latin America
Michael Radu, Foreign Policy Research Institute
Agosto, 2008
With Washington now preoccupied with the coming presidential
elections, and having been virtually asleep on
Latin America throughout the Bush administration, the
strategic and political map of that region is deteriorating
dramatically. A successful decades-long ideological and propaganda
campaign by an unreconstructed Marxist-Leninist Left, centered upon the
radicalization of racial politics and the ever present anti- Americanism
and greased by high energy prices, led to the formation of a growing
bloc of militant “socialist” regimes in the region, most prominently
Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia and Nicaragua. These four countries’
influence is spreading, mostly through what could only be described as
bribes (i.e., oil subsidies) in the case of some Caribbean islands as
well as Honduras; the
seeping out of racial policies from
Bolivia
to neighboring Peru;
and the dependence on Venezuelan economic aid that Argentina has willingly assumed.
Meanwhile, an increasingly splintered and discredited Mexican Left has
become more radical as its popular support wanes.
Brazil, the regional superpower, plays
an ambiguous role. Its military is worried about the security threat
posed by Venezuela’s massive weapons acquisitions, the activities of the
Colombian narco-Marxist FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces), and the
general instability around its borders; Brazil’s major companies are
threatened in Bolivia, but its president uses rhetoric encouraging to
the “progressive” regimes in Caracas and
La Paz
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In Havana,
Waiting for Obama or for Putin?
Rens Lee, Foreign Policy Research Institute
Agosto 2008
As I left Havana earlier this month, Cuba was eagerly awaiting the United States’
November presidential elections. The buzz around the capital, reportedly
from a highly placed source, was that Barack Obama has already talked to
Raul Castro by phone. Obama has publicly stated that if elected, he
would immediately ease restrictions on Cuban American travel and
remittances placed by the Bush administration in 2004, but maintain the
embargo, which has been in place since 1961, until there is evidence of
Cuban democratization. Indeed, no president could unilaterally lift the
U.S. embargo—the main sticking point in U.S.-Cuban relations—because
U.S. law (the 1996 Helms-Burton Act) mandates preconditions for this,
such as legalization of all political activity and departure of the
Castro brothers from the political scene, that Cuba finds unacceptable.
But a new president who is open to dialogue with America’s enemies could prevail on a
solidly democratic Congress to amend or abrogate the law and thus
un-freeze the U.S.-Cuban relationship. The embargo bans most
U.S.
trade with and all investment in Cuba. While damaging the country’s
economy, it has obviously failed in its intended purpose of getting rid
of the Castro regime.
Cuba
remains a police state in which the population is subject to a
repressive control and, excepting favored few, lives at or close to the
subsistence level. (Interestingly, the police are among the best paid
professionals in Cuba, earning
almost twice the miserly average wage of $17 per month). Cuba-watchers
debate whether lifting the embargo and flooding the country with U.S. tourists and businesspersons
would erode the legitimacy of the current regime or breathe new life
into it. Yet there are very good strategic reasons why
America
should not continue its policy of isolating Cuba, even in the absence of
positive signs of democratization on the island.
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